The hotel had become a home for Alassane Dramane Ouattara amid his rising tensions with political rival Laurent Gbagbo, who had declared himself the winner of a landmark election. The UN had reported intense fighting in Abidjan in early April between the forces loyal to President Ouattara and elements of the former Republican Guard and Special Forces who still remained loyal to Gbagbo.
Share via Email A woman reacts after identifying the body of her husband killed in the collapse of the garment factory building in Dhaka. The argument, voiced by outlets as diverse as Slate and the Spectatoris that the economic benefits of the sweatshop economy override concerns about the rights of factory workers.
The appeal of a higher wage, steadier Bangladeshi tragedies and, for women, independence draws workers from rural areas to urban slums in search of factory work.
Shutting down sweatshops completely would only erase those gains. This is true up to a point.
But it does not follow that the model cannot be improved. The pro-sweatshop argument, of course, is favored by the anti-regulation right, but it finds itself mirrored on the left, which also attempts Bangladeshi tragedies impose a false choice between accepting sweatshops as they are and having no factories at all.
Anti-sweatshop activists often fold their critique of sweatshops into a broader critique of globalization. Pushing not only for raised safety standards but also for wages that match those in the developed world is a tactic that will have the effect of shutting down developing world manufacturing altogether.
Businesses need to save some money on labor in order to justify the additional cost of manufacturing abroad. Indeed, many anti-sweatshop campaigners would be quite happy to see these factories closed down, globalization reversed, and manufacturing jobs returned to the west.
That makes it hard to take them seriously when they claim to have the best interests of Bangladeshis at heart. Instead, campaigners need to separate the issue of western industrial decline and what to do about stagnant post-industrial economiesfrom the wages and working conditions of developing world factory workers.
They need to advocate for a better and more humane globalization, not against globalization altogether. The cost of living in Bangladesh is far lower than the cost of living in the United States or Europe; campaigners should be pushing for Bangladeshi workers to make a living wage relative to the local cost of food and shelter.
Yet, if the cost of living varies from place to place, the cost and value of a life should be the same everywhere. The arguments advanced by both pro- and anti-sweatshop commentators take for granted that the status quo is good for business.
Cheap labor is undoubtedly a boon for companies, but shoddy standards are not.
Buildings that collapse or catch on fire, unclean workplaces where workers routinely fall ill … these mean halted production and lost revenue. They also mean bad press and falling share prices, which is why western firms generally provide themselves with plausible deniability of links to these sweatshops when disaster strikes.
The problem for many multinationals has been that keeping managers on site in every country is prohibitively expensive.
Modern data technologies can close this gap: That kind of transparency will be good for companies and workers alike. Perhaps the most insidious aspect of the sweatshop debate, however, is in the way commentators blithely offer up a description of the status quo as a defense of it. Bangladeshi workers did choose these jobs, and they chose them on the rational basis that these jobs pay more than the available alternatives.
If a choice is "free" only in the most formal sense, then why would we assume it is a good one? That is the trouble with modern economic discourse and its chief protagonist, homo economicus.
If all humans are assumed to be equally free and rational in their choices, if we are all homo economicus, then all the choices we make must be good ones.
Instead of tackling moral questions, we are attaching moral value to the way things are, and in so doing, we are losing the ability to imagine a better world.Bangladesh Tragedies: Beyond Reputational Risk (this post) In each case, the labels and products of major European and North American global clothing brands were found in the rubble.
Some of the firms distance themselves from use of the Bangladeshi factories, where the $38 monthly wage supports the quick production of inexpensive fashion for a $1 trillion industry. Bangladeshi workers did choose these jobs, and they chose them on the rational basis that these jobs pay more than the available alternatives.
Therefore, pro-sweatshop commentators, like the Spectator's Alex Massie, argue that sweatshops must be a good thing. Bangladeshi Tragedy, Dhaka, Bangladesh. likes. This page is only for publishing the true information and the hottest things done by our country.
The Savar building collapse or Rana Plaza collapse was a structural failure that occurred on 24 April in the Savar Upazila of Dhaka District, Bangladesh, where an eight-story commercial building named Rana Plaza caninariojana.comon: Savar Upazila, Dhaka District, Bangladesh.
In , The New York Times published a sort of greatest-hits of Li & Fung violations: 29 workers killed in a fire in Bangladesh in ; at least two workers killed in a “stampede,” also in Bangladesh, in ; workers fainting at a facility in Cambodia due to malnourishment and air contamination; a dozen workers fired in Indonesia, allegedly for trying to start a union.
Disaster Management in Bangladesh Introduction. Bangladesh is a disaster-prone country of an area of about 1,47, sq. km. with population nearing million. The country is well within the tropics and is the largest delta in the world formed by the mighty rivers namely the .